Our December meeting focused on Russia and its military power. Our thinker Christophe Van der Kwast prepared a presentation where he compared the historical cases of Napoleon’s invasion of Russia, the sluggish start of Russia to the Second World War, and the ongoing Ukraine War.

First, we noted how Napoleon underestimated the resilience of the Russian people and their ability to adapt. Whilst many, like Napoleon, thought that Russia was a backwards country without a proper economy, this is simply not the case. It may not have had a modern, revolutionized army like Napoleon’s, but Tsar Alexander was strategically keen. He used the vastness of Russia to his advantage by continuously retreating his troops, leaving scorched, resourceless lands behind. This was detrimental for Napoleon as his army relied on the materials they scavenged from newly conquered areas instead of creating steady resources lines from the hinterland. Napoleon perceived Alexander’s retreat-approach to be dishonourable, but the Tsar knew he would be swiftly defeated in an open war battle. So, even though Russia looked to be at the back foot, Alexander played the long game and beat Napoleon.

In the case of the Second World War, Russia again struggled at the start. The invasion of Poland went very slow, so slow that the Germans were able to conquer much more land than was agreed upon in the Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact. Russia’s invasion of Finland was successful, though with immense losses. Eventually, after a period of trouble, Russia was able to mobilize all its resources and have its war machine fully working. This was not without the help of its allies as it lacked the trucks and infrastructure to quickly transport material to the front line. The Russians are very efficient at transporting materials and troops from Siberia to Moscow with its extensive rail network, but it lacked the capacity to do so equally swift after the train station.

The Ukraine War fits needlessly within the historical cases: Russia fell on its head at the start, dug itself in, and is now starting to claw itself out. After a failed ‘Blitzkrieg’, many people thought that Russia’s army was weaker than expected and that Putin would eventually lose. The Ukraine War has been compared to the Russian invasion of Afghanistan, but one must remember that the Soviet Union was much weaker than current-day Russia as it was plagued by ethnic tensions and various calls for independence from Balkan countries.

Ukraine’s summer counteroffensive was thought to be the deathblow to Russia, but they have managed to defend themselves in difficult defensive positions. Once again, we see how Russia has struggled to get troops and resources from the Russian border to the frontlines in Ukraine. Even though it starts to look bleaker for Ukraine, it is still uncertain who wins. The situation is not as clear-cut as some internet commentators seem to think; only if Ukraine gets enough support from the West, will it be able to withstand Russia’s attacks which will only intensify.

Furthermore, we took a special look at the cultural identity of the Russian people. Struggle has been a common theme throughout Russia’s history; it has continuously accepted great losses within its army and still recoup and fight back even stronger. Approximately, 70.000 Russian soldiers have already died in Ukraine, but they continue to mobilize more men and materials. Though we must realise that its not necessarily the Muscovites who are sent to the front lines, but rather the poorer people who live in the East. Nevertheless, collectivism ideals are widespread; freedom of individual citizens may and will be limited for the greater good. As our thinker Lazar pointed out: ‘Why complain about Putin if you and your neighbours have a decent life?’

Culture distinguishes us as people, which is exactly the reason why Russia has targeted Ukrainian museums and libraries. Even before the war, Ukraine has been a divided country with people from many different backgrounds. It has tried to form a common identity by rejecting Russian ways and going as far as prohibiting the Russian language. But if Russia is able to destroy all traces to the Ukrainian culture, it can effectively undermine the common identity of the Ukrainian people. A military defeat may be a harsh blow and lead to temporary oppression, but the destruction of a culture is definite: it would be the death of the Ukrainian identity and their claims to the Ukrainian land.